Suing the Almighty Update

The Almighty has filed an answer in the suit against His Holiest of Holies in the 4th Circuit Court of Nebraska. Well, the news article says “filing,” so it could be an answer or a motion to dismiss. I think the latter. Because His Omniscience avers that there is no juris­diction over His Incorruptible Personage in the Nebraska courts.

According to the Clerk of the Court, the filing from the King of Kings “mirac­u­lously appeared on the counter. It just all of a sudden was here — poof!” The document lists a Corpus Christi law office telephone number.

I’d love to get my hands on copies of the filings. If anyone knows if they can be found somewhere on The Interwebs, let me know!

Diamonds Daisies Snowflakes Mahmoud

Everyone’s favorite Iranian dictator is coming to New York City! Ladies, hide your faces and clitorides!

I find the idea of Ahmadinejad running around New York like Marlo Thomas supremely disturbing, and I am relieved to know that there is at least one site he won’t be allowed to visit. What is that man doing in this country, anyway? Is he planning another divine-​​aura-​​inducing speech before the UN? And do we as a country really want to be in (let alone play permanent host to) a club that lets in the likes of him?

The Importance of Being Earnest

A play of which I am not terribly fond.

The real subject of this post is bar require­ments. For those unfa­miliar with our American system of regu­lating the legal profession, all persons purporting to offer legal advice, or purporting to represent clients in court, must be licensed by the Supreme Court of the state wherein they are prac­ticing. Like doctors, masother­a­pists, fortune-​​tellers, and taxi­der­mists, state govern­ments license lawyers, and no one without a license may practice law. In order to gain a license, or in lawyer esoterica, “be admitted to the bar,” a prospective attorney must meet some require­ments. These require­ments vary from state to state, but nearly always include passage of some qual­i­fying exam­i­nation (the “bar exam,”) and passing a character and fitness exam­i­nation. The former is the type of exam you are all familiar with from school: you sit and write for two and a half days. Some bubbles. Mostly writing. Then they grade you. The latter, however, is an exam­i­nation like what you get from the doctor: they look at you really closely to make sure you are the sort of person they want prac­ticing law in the state.

In order that they might carry out the character and fitness exam­i­nation, they make prospective attorneys fill out some lengthy forms divulging every­thing. If you can think of it, and if it’s not a legally imper­mis­sible consid­er­ation, they make you divulge it. Traffic tickets. Expunged court proceedings. Medical history. Every address and every job you’ve ever had since you were 18 (or in the past ten years, whichever is longer). Then they use all this infor­mation to judge your character and fitness to practice law. Moral turpitude, if you will. In practice, your truth­fulness and thor­oughness in divulging naughty things from your past will be of more impor­tance in most situ­a­tions than the nature or character of those naughty things. Hence the impor­tance of being earnest.

But alas, woe and regret! The forms require six character refer­ences: three who have known the applicant well for at least 5 years. Weep and repent! I know (maybe) one qual­i­fying person! Who knew having no friends might actually derail my career plans. I guess I’m just unfit to practice law in Key Midwestern Swing State.

Suing the Almighty

‘God’ doesn’t exist. We all know this. Nonetheless, allegedly atheist Nebraska State Representative Ernie Chambers has seen fit to sue His Omnipotence for various tortious wrongs.

This article wastes most of its column inches detailing the various charges levied against The Everlasting, only mentioning in passing Chambers’ alleged point:

[H]is main objection is the consti­tution requires that the doors to the cour­t­house be open to all.

Apparently, Chambers is trying to make a point about frivolous lawsuits. It would have been nice if the article would have spent a little more time explaining how Chambers intends this lawsuit to make that point.

I do not think legis­lators, of any level of government, should engage in sarcasm. I also do not find sarcasm a persuasive argument, nor do I think the courts should play host to such arguments. If Chambers’ point is that the courts are over­bur­dened with frivolous lawsuits, filing a frivolous lawsuit isn’t going to help the problem. Chambers should do his job and introduce legis­lation to strip some juris­diction from the Nebraska courts.

I would be inter­ested to hear Chambers’ opinion on how court juris­diction should be limited in order to prevent the filing of frivolous lawsuits. Whatever it is, I doubt it would work. If he’s arguing juris­diction, maybe he should have thought more about how he chose to do so. His lawsuit is frivolous first and foremost because of a lack of juris­diction. God cannot be served in Nebraska. Cf. U.S. ex rel. Mayo v. Satan, 54 F.R.D. 282, 282 (W.D. Pa. 1971) (finding that Satan could not be served anywhere in the United States). I would suggest that a large number of frivolous lawsuits are in fact filed despite a lack of juris­diction. So narrowing the juris­diction of the Nebraska courts would not be likely to have any effect on the quantity of frivolous lawsuits filed there. They would still be filed, and they would still be dismissed by one of the gate­keeper rules (analogous of Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)).

The lawsuit Chambers objected to, and which appar­ently set him off, was (as far as can be spec­u­lated from the scant infor­mation available on the Interwebs) a civil suit against Nebraska district judge Jeffre Cheuvront for (guessing here) emotional distress stemming from his 2006 decision granting a defense motion to prohibit the use of the word “rape” (inter alia) during a rape trial. Now I’m no expert on Nebraska’s Tort Claims Act, but I think this suit would die for failure to state a claim. Tort Claims Acts generally protect government officials from personal tort liability arising from actions committed within the scope of their government duties. And his decision on the motion would only be reviewable under an abuse of discretion standard on appeal, so any question of whether Cheuvront was acting within that scope would depend inti­mately on any appeals of the motion. No such appeal appears to be in the works, but even if one were, it wouldn’t be ripe because the first jury hung, so there is no final judgment from which to appeal.

So as far as I can tell, Chambers’ position here is simply, “That’s rubbish; there ought to be a law.” Unfortunately for Nebraskans, Chambers has the power to act on this position.

On Equality (Brief)

Today, my law school hosted a mini-​​panel on equality as part of the University’s ongoing “Diversity Week,” and as part of the Law School’s “Constitution Week.” Several professors spoke on their research into equality and the Constitution. All three took a Progressivist stance.

By Progressivist, I mean this:

It is one thing to insist that the law be applied equally to all. It is entirely another to insist that equality requires the unequal appli­cation of the law. For instance, if equal operation of the law has the effect of ‘disen­fran­chising’ some group (the poor; the uned­u­cated; the disin­ter­ested), then the law must be applied unequally in order to even out the effect. The argument is that ‘equal’ operation of the law ignores the contextual differ­ences between groups, and so equal operation of the law rein­forces those contextual differ­ences. Examples of contextual differ­ences appar­ently include wealth, education, color, history of oppression/​disenfranchisement, gender, &c., &c.

Here are just some of the problems:

  1. The law does not exist to enforce “contextual equality,” or “equity” as it was termed by a panelist. The law exists to protect indi­vidual rights, and it accom­plishes this by setting objective rules for when and how government force may be used. The law is not a vehicle for enforcing income equality, or education equality, or weight equality.
  2. This is not a country of groups. It is a country of indi­viduals. Groups do not have rights; only indi­viduals do. It would be silly indeed to insist that the law enforce ‘equity’ on an indi­vidual level, so this group­think is essential to the Progressivist’s position. How, as Ayn Rand asked, can one purport to be a defender of minority rights, if one ignores the rights of the smallest minority?
  3. There is nothing relevant to legal deter­mi­na­tions (that is, deter­mi­na­tions of whether and how government force should be applied in particular instances) beyond that which is ethically relevant. The fact that one is rich does not affect one’s guilt for a murder. The fact that one is of Asian extraction does not affect whether one’s contract is enforceable. Only voli­tional acts are morally cognizable, and the law should concern itself with only those voli­tional acts related to the instant purported rights-​​violation.

In all, it was a pretty unfor­tunate display.

Happy (Late) Constitution Day!

Yesterday was Constitution Day and I let it slip by without saying anything profound. Naughty Qwertz. Very bad.

The Constitution’s bril­liance (aside from the revo­lu­tionary idea that government power is derived only from the people) is in its attempt to insulate itself against corruption. The Framers separated government power among the Federal branches, and between the Federal and State govern­ments, so that tyranny could grow only slowly. The Framers knew they were drafting a document composed largely of compro­mises, and probably knew that would come back to bite the country in the backside at some point in the future. So they created the Separation of Powers doctrine to help slow that down.

Today, we see all sorts of erosions of the Separation of Powers doctrine: mostly the Executive encroaching on the Legislature or the Legislature encroaching on the Judiciary. Of the three branches, the Judiciary tends to be the least “activist” in breaking down the Separation of Powers (though they are not guiltless in this). With the degra­dation in the sepa­ration of powers, the Federal government will become more nimble and we will see changes occurring at an increased pace. The Federal government is not so much a hulking, lumbering, clumsy sloth by design any more as it is by simple bloat.

Unfortunately, the Separation of Powers doctrine also protected those flaws in the Constitution that were born of compromise. Slavery could have been abolished under the Constitution in 1808, but it took 60 more years and over 600,000 dead before that happened. Changing something so funda­men­tally bad as Congress’ power to lay and collect taxes (Art. I, § 8, cl. 1), the Commerce Clause (Art. 1, § 8, cl. 3), the post office (Art. 1, § 8, cl. 7), or changing the ability of something like Amendments XVIII and XXI to even occur in the first place, or repealing bad alter­ations, like Amend. XVI or Amend. XVII, are all hindered by the Separation of Powers doctrine, not so much by virtue of the diffi­culty of altering the actual text of the Constitution as by virtue of the diffi­culty faced by the Judiciary in navi­gating Executively– and Legislatively-​​entrenched obstacles to reach a just solution.

Nevertheless, the dispersion of power effected by the Constitution is masterful, and a testament to the bril­liance of the Framers.

Khillary-​​Khare

New York Senator and aspiring Democratic Presidential candidate Hillary R. Clinton is set to unveil her new plan to enslave physi­cians and ensure that all Americans have equal access to death today. Highlights will include: indi­vidual mandates, requiring all Americans to buy health insurance; employer mandates, requiring employers to pay for employee health care; and insurance mandates, barring insurance companies from charging unhealthy clients more for coverage. Specifically,

Clinton’s package would also require insurers to provide coverage for anyone who applies for it and would also bar insurance companies from charging people with greater health care costs more for their premiums.

But here’s how her ‘top policy advisor’ describes the plan:

It puts the consumer in the driver’s seat by offering more choices and lowering costs.

Balderdash! Telling insurers they can’t charge more for unhealthy people means everyone will have to pay higher premiums. And when those premiums pass out beyond the ability of most Americans to pay, guess who will step in to pay it. Hillary. But as she will be extracting all that money from American taxpayers in the first place, this program promises to bankrupt Americans and make quality health care a thing of the past.

Hold on to your backsides. We’re in for a bumpy ride.